Study of Voters That Connected Their Youth to Make America Great Again
Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential ballot, equally many as nine meg voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). Ane concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions every bit a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined every bit a bloodshot longing for the past. Evidence of Trump'south appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the outset of the 2016 presidential entrada through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Groovy Once more" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).
Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilisation (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in holland suggests that the accent of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United States, several studies provide stiff show of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more than so even than voter'due south feelings of economical threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump's cornball rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this stop, in this newspaper, nosotros nowadays evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice likewise as back up for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.
The Sociality of Nostalgia
Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates cocky-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of cocky-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people study experiencing nostalgia on a regular ground (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often construction their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the futurity (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various means, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion too serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).
The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a main artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to human activity as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connexion (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of shut others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a result of this, cornball memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more than salient one'due south symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For instance, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative furnishings of depression social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).
Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.e., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices confronting outgroups equally a upshot of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both breathy and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They plant that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.
National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia
The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more than complex when considering nostalgia felt for i'southward group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to take a distinct psychological contour from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, every bit distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of cocky (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such equally when an individual might experience potent pride and happiness for their home squad while non feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).
Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with 1's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.g., Form of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (ring or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (urban center). However, different individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, merely rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes every bit well every bit an arroyo-oriented activeness tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study ane). Commonage nostalgia also can increase group-oriented prosociality (due east.1000., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Dark-green et al., 2021). Commonage cocky-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic result increased collective self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found boosted ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political activeness (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).
However, at that place are two sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is likewise a bias against strange products, and the promotion of commonage political activity was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup fellow member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). However, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals tin feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a report of quondam Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to sectionalisation and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more than nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (just not control indigenous groups).
National nostalgia is one type of commonage nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a citizen of a specific country, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval can facilitate coping (e.grand., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a land's expert old days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or incertitude. However, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such every bit recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) as well as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat
The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial bear witness has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced past both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to i's bodily well-being, and typically include the domains of concrete safety, political ability, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus often junior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, there often is overlap between them, peculiarly considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economical, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).
One salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable fix of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the The states population was condign more diverse (relative to control conditions)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward not-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, too has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, come across Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking 1's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about 1's group-based identity, and may accept the beneficial consequence of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia amidst Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns virtually the future of one's country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in plough predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Yet, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.yard., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for instance, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the future, leading to increased prejudice.
With the exception of a subsample of The states participants included in the cross-national written report of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies take directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political bug associated with national and ethnic identities, nosotros extended this line of research by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains whatsoever found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging
Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in detail its function in posing racial or national outgroups equally scapegoats for perceived economical or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders ofttimes use national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy past emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation'south past and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective malaise most group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches past correct-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consistent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious past" while denigrating the country's present, also every bit themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this aperture between by and nowadays, and b) increasing the state'south force and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its onetime celebrity (Mols and Jetten, 2014). Past emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and so highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that aperture, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explicate support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).
Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric1. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Bang-up Again," and emphasized claims that the Us had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he fabricated numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in part, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to merits that Trump'southward supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the The states. Exit polls from the 2016 presidential ballot appeared to back up some of these claims, as White voters were the only racial demographic to back up Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percentage points (CNN, 2016)two. Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' choice to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that support for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White Us citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).
To build upon this inquiry, the aim of our written report was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain back up for Trump's populist rhetoric too as increases in racial prejudice in the The states following the 2016 presidential ballot (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping U.s. voters' political attitudes. We idea it advisable to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the United states, of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (Us Demography Bureau, 2020).
The Current Study
We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes amidst voters who participated in the 2016 United states presidential election. We too examined the coaction between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.
Although previous research examined survey data taken around the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 year after the election, assuasive us to see how our participants felt after President Trump had been in function for some time, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Peachy Over again" notwithstanding resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to engagement, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the Us; thus, this enquiry would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes too as study the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical landscape. In improver, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in order to improve examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well as to appraise whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.
Hypotheses
Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).
Hypothesis i. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to exist found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).
Research Question i. Will White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?
Enquiry Question two. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?
Inquiry Question iii. Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?
Method
Participants
An a priori power analysis using One thousand*Ability (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to discover a small correlation of r = 0.09three with 95% power and α = 0.05. Nosotros recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political amalgamation, 44.0% of the participants identified every bit Democrats, 25.4% Independent, 23.iv% Republican, and vii.two% every bit Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.
Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 ballot (Pew Research Centre, 2018); however, nosotros purposefully oversampled Blackness voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upwardly 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an authentic reflection of the 2016 US voters.
Measures
Personal Nostalgia
The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized equally how frequently participants feel nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (east.grand., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from i (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).
National Nostalgia
The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to experience nostalgia on the ground of 1's national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from i (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)iv to reflect American nationality [due east.g., "How often do you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].
Positive Attitudes Toward Trump
In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President every bit related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the Land Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connection, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits as they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of sixteen items (e.g., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a ane (Not at all) to five (Extremely) scale.
Outgroup Threat Perception
The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.1000., of social or economical impairment) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only among White participants. The measure includes 12 items (east.g., "African Americans hold also many positions of power and responsibleness in this country") rated on a i (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.
Racial Prejudice
The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (e.g., "It'due south really a affair of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would simply effort harder they could exist just besides off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to iv (Strongly agree) scale.
Political Measures
Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from ane (Very Liberal) to vii (Very Bourgeois). Participants also chose which political party they about strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants so indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential ballot (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do yous feel like we demand to 'Make America Great Over again'?" on a one (Not at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.
Ethnic Identity Salience
The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure out—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the axis of participants' racial/indigenous backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each detail was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) calibration.
Demographics
Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.
Procedure
Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey well-nigh their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the guild described above. All responses were nerveless over a single, 1 week period in the Fall of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the information. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attention to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attending bank check items indicated bereft attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's data.
Results
Descriptive statistics and zippo-social club correlations are displayed in Table 1. To test our hypotheses, nosotros conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro v.iii (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we besides support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS 5. 26 (Due to a calculator error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still in a higher place the target based on the ability analysis).
Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.
Main Hypothesis
We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in stride 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In pace ane of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In pace two of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes above and across political affiliation, β = 0.xxx, t(192) = iv.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a pregnant proportion of variance in attitudes above and beyond political orientation, F (2, 189) = 9.xc, p < 0.001, R2Δ = 0.06.
To examine this relationship in a consolidated path modelfive, Figure 1 displays Path Model ane, quantifying the human relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, indigenous identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(one) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Every bit shown in Model 1, Hypothesis 1 was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).
Figure 1. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, indigenous identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model ane). Notation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Research Question 1
To assess whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, one = Blackness/African-American (shortened to Westward/EA and B/AA going forward). Political party amalgamation was coded as i = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and 3 = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this assay, data from participants who did not identify with one of these iii major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 West/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 Westward/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model establish that political party affiliation was the only significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F (ii, 228) = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η2 = 0.30, with Republicans (M = three.94, SD = 1.22) more in favor of the president than their Autonomous (M = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (M = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no main effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F (1, 228) = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction betwixt political party affiliation and participant race, F (2, 228) = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure two displays these results.
Figure 2. Relationship between political party amalgamation and pro-Trump attitudes past racial identity. Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.
To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may exist an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with West/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured past the MEIM) using Hayes' Process macro v. three.4 (model 1). Nosotros conducted a bootstrapped moderation assay with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-society interaction outcome betwixt political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F (ii, 228) = 3.23, p = 0.041, R2Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that at that place was a stronger difference in indigenous identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (Thousand = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more of import to them than their White Autonomous [Yard = iii.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; unproblematic gradient difference F (2, 228) = 4.49, p < 0.001. In dissimilarity, no meaning difference in racial identity salience was establish among Black/African-American participants; simple slope difference F (two, 228) = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the uncomplicated main effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was every bit as important to them as Blackness participants; M = iii.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (run across Figure 3).
Effigy 3. Racial identity salience amongst Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of unlike political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error confined stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.
We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation assay using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but only among White participants; ΔR two = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, lxx)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.
As a final exam of Research Question 1, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure four) was compared with Path Model 1 to once again examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, information technology is important to note that path models are by and large considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.096; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was non significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.
Figure 4. Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Enquiry Question 2
Nosotros adjacent examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Blackness racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) as well as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A significant moderation consequence was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR 2 = 0.05, F (1, 178) = 19.lx, p < 0.001. Unproblematic slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure v (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-pregnant at depression levels of prejudice (those at to the lowest degree −1 SD below the mean of SNS). Nevertheless, for those moderate to loftier in racial prejudice (0, +one, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (encounter Effigy 5). Interestingly, this effect was found separately for both White [ΔR 2 = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR 2 = 0.09, F (1, 97) = 17.44, p < 0.001], but there was no significant three-mode interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), so the results in Figure 5 are displayed for all participants.
Figure 5. Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Blackness racial prejudice. Note. Plots display uncomplicated slopes at −2, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.
Research Question 3
Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
We terminal examined whether the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would exist mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Process macro (model 8) to appraise whether the proposed mediational issue might differ between European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure half dozen, the model indicated a meaning indirect outcome of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.fifteen, 0.13).
Figure 6. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.
To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(two) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did non (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect consequence β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect outcome on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, simply in a negative direction [indirect upshot β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.fourteen, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.
Figure vii. Path analysis of relationships betwixt national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model iii). Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].
Word
In our written report, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings almost President Trump, as well every bit increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Blackness prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with prove from samples exterior the United States (due east.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a strong semantic connectedness betwixt Trump and its 2016 presidential entrada slogan, it as well may betoken to the entreatment of Trump'due south campaign—and its right fly, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.
Our start research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We constitute fractional evidence for this thought, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, in that location was no evidence of a relationship betwixt race and support for the President. At first glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed mostly to White voters. Even so, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience chastened the link betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity equally important every bit Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as information technology evidences further back up for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Equally members of the bulk group, White individuals typically are less probable to recall of themselves in terms of race than people of colour, for whom race is a more than centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).
This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the U.s.a. may indeed have been a critical gene in voters' selection to support Trump. Some inquiry suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). However, in that location is an consequence of causality, as these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one'south racial identity. This threat may be perceived more than strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central role of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be then attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity aperture in society to foment feet about the state of the country while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups equally scapegoats.
The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was institute amidst both White/EA and Blackness/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with evidence that grouping emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings marshal with converging bear witness that the content of commonage nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good former days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, likewise explains differences betwixt the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face up of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts near the "good old days" when i's group was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, by allowing individuals to feel continued to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Contempo piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries constitute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced past (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.
Constraint on Generalizability
These data were obtained from a cross-exclusive group of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are virtually generalizable to American centre-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups inside the United States, and hereafter assay of national nostalgia should continue to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.
Futurity Directions
These findings enhance the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go dorsum in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Future inquiry should utilize longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defence force against perceived threats to ane'southward ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further piece of work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow the states to better sympathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should also proceed to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The demand for further research in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such every bit those that took identify in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the U.s. Capitol Building in early on 2021, in which big groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.
An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained simply to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the utilise of national nostalgia in political advice is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Hereafter research should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a multifariousness of settings and when considering a multifariousness of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes equally a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about one'due south national group identity. Nevertheless, the nature of the construct suggests information technology may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas about 1's grouping within a specific nation. The phrase "make America dandy again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is peculiarly controversial in the U.s. because minority groups take achieved significant advances in civil rights in recent history, and a call to return to a former fourth dimension may imply a call for a render to a sometime and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Hereafter research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various indigenous and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with dissimilar histories.
Future research might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.k., economical) vs. symbolic (due east.one thousand., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter support for correct-wing populist ideology, as concerns well-nigh clearing and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could assistance inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the United States (as well as many other countries), farther work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should also exist expanded to look at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant condition, social class, education level, and nation of origin.
Coda
National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic feel, is a promising lens through which to clarify attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the first study, to our cognition, to examine the US political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for 1'due south personal past—does not accept the same associations with political and grouping attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.
At that place may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include behavior for a past that never was; in this case, an America that was not as white as some think. Even so, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.
Information Availability Argument
The datasets presented in this study tin be plant in online repositories. All reported report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study information tin can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore non listed in this report.
Ethics Statement
The studies involving homo participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.
Writer Contributions
AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw information collection and analysis. AB wrote the kickoff draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed equally a potential conflict of interest.
Footnotes
one. ^We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (e.g., the role of the Black Lives Affair motion); however, every bit our information were collected in 2017, nosotros emphasize the 2016 ballot in this paper.
ii. ^Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amongst Blackness voters, who voted in Clinton'southward favor by a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Black voters as a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.
3. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).
4. ^The authors would like to note that this scale was non included in the original pre-registration, equally it was published only prior to the time this report was developed. However, the conclusion was made prior to information drove to employ this validated scale as a more straight and statistically sound way to mensurate the construct of national nostalgia.
five. ^Although structural equation models are oftentimes used to model paths among composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to utilize a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.
half-dozen. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).
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Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full
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